Chinese aid to Africa stood at US$29,4 billion between 20, the figures showed. That will include US$15 billion in grants, interest-free loans and concessional loans, US$20 billion in credit lines, the setting up of a US$10 billion special fund for development financing and a US$5 billion special fund for financing imports from Africa.Ĭhina is the continent’s largest bilateral lender, pouring billions of dollars into African countries for the building of motorways, dams and railways under the Belt and Road Initiative, the multibillion-dollar plan to link Asian and European economies to a China-centred trading network.Ĭhina advanced more than US$143 billion between 20, according to figures from the China Africa Research Initiative at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies in Washington. Two weeks ago, Zambia announced that China has agreed to fund construction of a new international conference centre that will be used to host the African Union Heads of State Summit in 2022.ĭuring the 2018 Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Co-operation in Beijing, Chinese President Xi Jinping pledged to extend US$60 billion in financing to Africa over three years. Meanwhile, China is building a US$58 million parliamentary complex in the Republic of Congo (Brazzaville) and rebuilding the burnt parliament in Gabon.
The trend has picked up recently with Beijing bankrolling the building of the US$200 million African Union headquarters in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa.Īlso, last year, Beijing said it would fund the building of the new headquarters for the Economic Community of West African States in Abuja, Nigeria, for US$31,6 million. Further, China has gifted presidential palaces to countries such as Togo, Sudan, Burundi and Guinea-Bissau. It has also paid for parliamentary buildings in the Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Mozambique and Sierra Leone. Once completed, the line stretched almost 1 870km from Dar es Salaam Port to the Zambian town of Kapiri Mposhi, where the country’s coal mines are situated.īeijing has since funded several projects, including soccer stadiums, in nations such as Cameroon, Mozambique, Malawi, Ghana, Angola and Zambia. The railway, which was built between 19 for US$500 million via an interest-free loan to be repaid over 30 years, necessitated the deployment of 25 000 Chinese workers. However, Germany was also providing additional NATO navy units in other regions.But it was the construction of the Tanzania-Zambia Railway (Tazara), Beijing’s most ambitious and expensive project, that did the most to boost China’s political capital on the continent. Instead they volunteered large amounts of financing for the war effort. 87a of the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany). Neither country was able to commit troops to the coalition due to restrictions placed into their constitutions when they were drawn up under Allied occupation following World War II (see Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution and Art. The term has been used to describe German and Japanese international involvement during and after the Gulf War. Nauru is the only Pacific island state that currently has diplomatic relations with at least one of either Abkhazia or South Ossetia. Tuvalu and Vanuatu have since withdrawn their respective recognitions and reestablished relations with Georgia. Vanuatu recognized Abkhazia (but not South Ossetia) after a suspected amount of Russian aid equivalent to that given to Nauru. Tuvalu recognized Abkhazia and South Ossetia as well, after a freshwater shipment from Abkhazia and what is believed to have been an offer of aid from Russia. Nauru recognized both nations in exchange for US$50 million in aid from Russia. More recently, the term has been introduced as pertaining to the diplomatic recognition of the breakaway South Caucasus states of Abkhazia or South Ossetia by a short list of Pacific island nations. See also: International recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and Milk War
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